Monday, November 30, 2009

Ghettoisation of a Nation | David McWilliams


Last Friday’s 9.55am train from Limerick pulled out on time, hurtling towards the ‘Junction’. As we sped past the waterlogged land on a beautiful morning, commuters on the train were going about their business as normal, reading about the treacherous Thierry Henry in the paper and chatting to friends on the phone.

As we arrived at Limerick Junction – a bleak enough place which hasn’t changed an iota since the early 1980s – a talkative grandmother cornered me to discuss the ‘‘situation’’. I regretted having the last pint in Limerick’s wonderful White House the night before. It probably wasn’t absolutely necessary.

The Cork train arrived just in time and I settled in, gazing out the window and thinking about how normal the country seemed, even though we are nearly bankrupt. Is this how it will be? Will we meander on as if nothing is happening, until we wake up and realise that the credit taps have been turned off?

When you look for real signs of the massive fall in our income, when you look for signs of the €20 billion-odd budget deficit, it is easy to convince yourself that these things are remote. But as you travel through the countryside ,you slowly begin to see the trauma. Every town the train passes through has the same ‘ghost estates’ on the outskirts – desperate places that are worth nothing, or next to nothing. How will these mortgages ever be paid?

At Thurles, the guy opposite me got chatting about how he’d lost his job in April. He was a young accountant, and he was going to Dublin to do his fourth interview since then. He had expected to bounce back in May or maybe June, but having scoured the papers since then, he was beginning to sink. He’d expected dozens of interviews and was confident that, having finished the first year of training, he’d be fine. But six months on, nothing was emerging. He was 24.

We nattered away until Heuston Station and, as we came closer and closer to Dublin, more and more ghost estates appeared.

From Kildare to Dublin, all we saw were rows and rows of empty housing estates, which were beginning to suffer from what has been called the ‘broken windows theory’.

This is when a neighbourhood begins to falter. A window is broken here and there, and soon the place starts disintegrating. If the windows are not fixed straight away, it sends out a signal that it is fine to break windows. Then the rot sets in.

In time, rather than being ‘worth something’, the houses begin to cost the owners. But the owners might have lost their jobs, so they don’t have the cash to fix up the house and, in short order, the places become quasi-ghettos. This has happened in many parts of the US. It could well happen here.
The key to the ghettoisation of our ghost estates will be the rate of unemployment.

If unemployment continues its upward trend, these places will be abandoned – and might ultimately be pulled down in a crime prevention move in the years ahead. The one thing that will drive crime in the years ahead is youth unemployment (but more on that later).This all sounds radical now, but the lesson from this crisis is that what sounded radical last year is now mainstream, and what sounded mainstream last year just sounds silly.
If we look at the chart from the US, we can see a clear correlation between the rise in unemployment and the number of properties that are being foreclosed on.

While there are outliers like Florida, where foreclosures seem to be running way ahead of unemployment – probably due to defaults on the huge amount of holiday homes in the state – the trend is pretty much as you’d expect.
In Ireland, we will see a similar pattern emerging. I expect unemployment to rise significantly next year as the financial industry contracts. This will mean large layoffs in our banks and insurance companies.

As well as this, the public sector will contract after the budget cuts, and retail employment will fall away after Christmas under the twin pressures of higher taxes and charges, and the strong euro driving thousands over the border to shop.

If we look at our unemployment figures, we see a potentially explosive rise in youth unemployment, which has not been properly documented yet. According to the CSO’s quarterly national household survey,12.1 per cent of our 15to 19-yearolds were unemployed in July 2007.This has jumped to a terrifying 36.4 per cent. Think about it – more than a third of our youth who are not in education are unemployed.

In the next age group, the 20to 24year-olds, the figures are equally frightening. When this government came into power, 8 per cent of this group were unemployed. This figure stands at 23 per cent, or close to one in four, today. In the key 25-34 age group – the ‘Pope’s Children Generation’ -13.4 per cent are out of work now, as opposed to 4.7 per cent the month that this government won the election.

The three-fold rise in unemployment in the 25-34 age group is why defaults will increase dramatically. These are the first time buyers who were shamefully cajoled into getting on the property ladder. Now they can’t repay their loans. Many thousands will simply walk away from their houses, hand in the keys and turn their backs on yesterday’s false dream.

When these houses become vacant – with no one to rent them, because you need jobs to have a healthy rental market – these estates will become classic breeding grounds for marginalisation. Some of the 35 per cent of those between 15 and 19 who are idle won’t be long finding these estates to hang out in. This is the way it goes.

The gardaí will eventually stop patrolling the estates, and the places will fall apart. Again, we have the evidence from US cities which, in the 1970s and 1980s, were allowed to deteriorate. The people who live in these estates will try to maintain standards, but they will eventually flee in the face of constant crime.

Many of the young men like the guy I met on the train will just head off if they can’t find jobs, and try their luck in the likes of London, Sydney or Boston. We are just witnessing the tip of the iceberg now.

We are living in extraordinary times, and we need extraordinary policy changes. Thus far, we are just seeing incrementalism because we have been lulled into a false sense of security by the calm before the storm. However, to get out of this mess, we will need to entertain extraordinary remedies. Otherwise, a country with close to 30 per cent of its youth under the age of 25 on the dole could become very, very angry.

Source: David McWilliams Blog

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Wednesday, November 25, 2009

HR Manager Job | Hi-End Retailer | Asia Pacific based in Manila | Apply Now!


Direct Source Network has been working closely with a major European FMCG (Hi-End Luxury goods) Retail company that is expanding quickly in the China /Asia /Pacific Rim region.



Description

To help facilitate this growth the company now requires a Senior HR Manager to structure and develope their growth in several new territories in the Asia Pacific region in 2010.


The HR Manager role will be based in Manila, The Philippines and report directly into the Regional CEO and will also report /liaise with HR counterparts in London and Paris.


Ideally the Senior HR Manager will have a strong background in Retail (5yrs+) ideally in a Major European or US Retail organisation (Preferably with real exposure to Asian markets).


Applicants must be degree educated (Business, Sales and Marketing or Retail related) and must be CIPD (or similar) qualified.


For more information about this excellent opportunity, CV's must be sent to Direct Source Network by December 15th (We will contact and schedule interviews with suitable applicants Early Jan '10 post Christmas break).


Benefits:
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Tuesday, November 17, 2009

Bank policies leaving us deflated | David McWilliams



Is the world heading for deflation or inflation? If you talk to serious investors and long-term followers of economic trends, this is the big question. As in the boom – when the major conundrum was whether we could continue borrowing and spending – the experts are divided again.

The mainstream view appears to be that the world will suffer from some – or a lot of – inflation in the coming years. This thinking stems from the fact that all the money printed by the world’s central banks in the past 12 months will find its way into the real economy, and be shunted on from stocks to property to general prices and, then, towages.

This is one of the reasons that the price of gold – a traditional hedge against inflation – is skyrocketing. Another compelling reason to fear inflation is that the world, or at least some of the world, wants it. Many suspect that inflation will rise in the years ahead because only via inflation will the US be able to inflate away its enormous debts. Consequently, investors believe that the dollar will continue to fall against most major currencies.

The general consensus is that, while prices won’t rise now or next year because economies are too weak, as economies recover afterwards inflation will return. But the general consensus has been wrong before. In fact, the consensus has been wide of the mark about practically everything in the past five years. So what if it is wrong again?

What if, rather than entering a world where prices rise all the time, we are about to enter a period where prices and wages fall for a long, long time?

The historical portents are disturbing. The world has experienced long bouts of deflation in the past. From 1876 to 1900 was one such period, and the resulting agricultural unemployment in Ireland led to a huge upswing in emigration to the US in the final three decades of the 19th century. We had another long period from 1929 to 1939,when deflation was again the norm. Japan had a dreadful experience with deflation in the 1990s.Could this happen again?

A crucial determining factor in whether we will get global deflation or inflation in the years ahead will be the banks. (In Ireland, deflation is highly likely, as is the nationalisation of the banks, but more on that later.) If banks lend out all the money they are getting from the central banks there will be inflation, if they don’t there will be deflation. It is really that simple.

In monetary economics, there is a thing called the ‘multiplier’. This measures how many times a single euro lent out by the banks is lent and lent again. Think about the boom. If house prices went up, your net worth also went up – and this made you feel wealthy.

Therefore, you felt comfortable borrowing against this new wealth, and the bank, because it had the security of your house, which were rising in value, felt comfortable lending against it.
As long as prices were rising, you didn’t care about savings, so you spent and borrowed more and the bank lent more.

This is the multiplier effect, where one upward movement in prices and borrowing reinforces the logic of the boom and begets more upward movements in prices and borrowings and so on.
This created the bubble which has now well and truly burst, leading to the total destruction of the banks’ balance sheets.

Then the state has a choice: either it can let the banks go and create new ones, or it can save the banks and inject enough new cash to allow the banks to lend again.

But what if the banks have a different objective to the government? Yes, the banks want the cash, but not necessarily to lend out to you and me (who might not want to borrow anyway). If the banks stopped lending out cash and used the cheap central bank money they were getting to invest somewhere else, then we would have a major problem.

Let’s say that the banks use the money they are getting at 1 per cent from the European Central Bank (ECB) to buy government bonds which are yielding 5.7 per cent in Ireland and 3 per cent elsewhere, in order to rebuild their balance sheets and give the money back to shareholders. Now all the new money is stuck and doesn’t leave the banks, there is no multiplier and, what’s worse, if the people see just how much debt is costing them, they will stop borrowing and start saving.

Already, we can see that people’s attitude to debt has changed. All around the world, debt and credit (which had been expanding progressively since the 1980s) has become, not only unfashionable, but reprehensible. People want to pay off debts when they can and save more.

This causes prices to fall. And people – seeing prices falling – then expect this to continue. If you think you are going to get a bargain by postponing spending today and waiting for prices to fall even more tomorrow, deflation takes hold. This trend will be reinforced if the banks use the cheap cash they have been given to buy risk-free, high-yielding government bonds, since they will not put money into the economy.
Therefore, the very act of saving the bad banks fuels deflation and leads to less, not more, credit in the system. We get zombie banks presiding over zombie economies.

This is a possibility around the world and, as such, suggests that the recent stock market rally – one of the most dramatic in history – as well as the surge in the price of gold, could well reverse themselves. Such a reversal would usher in stage two of the crisis.

In Ireland, things are unfortunately more clear-cut. Such an outcome is almost guaranteed. The National Asset management Agency (Nama) will not lead to any resumption of credit because the banks are traumatised and have better things to be doing with the ECB’s largesse than lending it out to a country where prices fell 6 per cent year-on-year in October; and the market expects Nama Mark Two.

Remember Nama covers €77 billion of a total Irish bank lending book of €400 billion. Already the valuations for Nama are coming in much lower than the government’s estimates (surprise, surprise).When bad debts and defaults spread to the rest of the crocked €400 billion loan book, the banks will be submerged – and will have to be taken into public ownership because no private investor will give them a cent. They will become zombie banks owned by a zombie government.

The only way we can get credit flowing again is through a new bank or a system of new banks in Ireland. With this now ruled out, because our government refuses to admit what a Leaving Cert economics student can see, the spectre of deflation stalks the land.

Source: David McWilliams Website


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Monday, November 16, 2009

Nanotech is a €30-billion opportunity for Irish economy | Silicon Republic


Date Published 12/11/2009

Nanotechnology, the science of ultra micro electronics and pharmaceuticals, has the potential to be a major engine of growth in the Irish economy and exports could be doubled from €15 billion today to €30 billion by 2015, Tanaiste Mary Coughlan TD said today.


Launching Nanoweek, which will run from 30 November to 4 December, the Tanaiste said Ireland has more than 500 companies, both multinational and indigenous, employing about 130,000 people in the ICT, medical devices and biopharmaceutical sectors.

These companies utilise nanotechnology for continued product innovation and competitiveness. Of €150 billion in goods and services exported by Ireland in 2008, it is estimated 10pc were enabled by nanoscience and related nanotechnologies.

Focus may mean growth

By focusing on the area of nanotechnology there is the potential to grow this figure to 20pc by 2015. “Nanotechnology is contributing to product innovation in virtually every field of manufactured goods, enabling nearly $250 billion in products in 2008, on track to exceed $3 trillion in 2015,” said Dr Diarmuid O’Brien, executive director of CRANN, the Science Foundation Ireland-funded Centre for Science and Engineering Technology.

The area of nanoscience has grown consistently in Ireland over the past number of years and the country has developed a global reputation for leadership in nanoscience, with its researchers ranked sixth globally for the quality of their research output.

There is a potential to make nanoscience a key pillar of the Smart Economy strategy, using it as a magnet both to attract FDI as well as supporting indigenous companies who are developing IP in the area for global export.

“Nanoscience has the ability to be a significant contributor to Ireland’s efforts to return to global competitiveness in industries such as ICT, biomedical and pharmaceutical,” said Jim O’Hara, general manager of Intel Ireland.

“There is an opportunity for us to underpin our work in these areas internationally by nurturing and exploiting our expertise in nanoscience. The future of many of our largest industries depends on innovations and developments in the area of nanotechnology. Ireland has the opportunity now, by investing wisely in these areas, to dramatically increase the economic impact of nanoscience.

“There are a number of Intel researchers in residence at CRANN and at the Tyndall National Institute. The reason we are doing this is because the products Intel Ireland will manufacture in 10 years' time will be based on fundamental research carried out today.

“Intel is only one company of many engaged in this kind of work and Ireland must build on its leadership in nanoscience if it is going to continue to attract, retain and grow these kinds of industries in Ireland.”

About Nanoweek

Nanoweek will include a range of events to highlight how critical nanoscience is and will be for the future success of the Irish economy.

Nanoweek is an initiative of The Nanoscience Network, which combines two major consortiums: INSPIRE, funded by the HEA, is comprised of internationally leading researchers across 10 third-level institutions and co-ordinated by CRANN (TCD).

The recently announced Competence Centre for Applied Nanotechnology (CCAN), funded by Enterprise Ireland and the Industrial Development Agency, includes both leading multi-national companies such as Intel, Analog Devices and Seagate, and indigenous Irish companies such as Creganna, Aerogen, Audit Diagnostics and Proxybiomedical.

The CCAN, hosted by the Tyndall National Institute at UCC and CRANN, together with INSPIRE, represents an impressive nano-ecosystem for Ireland.

Off to schools

In addition, a schools programme will take place with members of the Nanoscience Network visiting schools in Cork, Limerick, Dublin and Galway to introduce secondary-school students to nanotechnology.

“Ireland is well on track to establish itself as a global centre of excellence for nano research and to take a significant slice of that global business,” explained O’Brien.

“To achieve this, we must continue to invest in research so that we can further develop valuable synergies between universities and industry to ensure that we commercialise the ground-breaking research being undertaken at the moment.

“There are already many great examples of partnerships between academia and multinational and indigenous companies to create viable commercial enterprises in nanotechnology. The challenge is to ensure that we maintain the momentum already created through Government and industry funding so that we establish and cement our reputation as a global player in this vital area,” O’Brien said.


By John Kennedy, Silicon Republic Website


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Monday, November 9, 2009

Worst-case scenario looms | David McWilliams


Which one of the two big banks will be nationalised first? This sounds fanciful, but events in the last few days suggest that the perception of the Irish banks has changed profoundly – for the worse – and nationalisation is on the cards. This means we now face the possibility that we will have the guarantee, Nama and the nationalisation of one of the big two banks all at once.

In a sense, to use EU parlance, we will have a triple-lock tying the Irish people to the Irish banks for years to come. We run the risk that Ireland will come to be regarded – for future students of finance and economics – as a text-book case of how not to do things in a crisis. I hope this does not turn out to be the case, but the recent signs from our close neighbours and the reaction of the markets are not good.

The dramatic change in outlook for the banks has been triggered by the EU. The European Commission is rightly worried about the abuse of its competition rules, which occurred last year when governments around Europe injected money into banks. For the single market to work properly, the EU has to make sure that national banks don’t get an unfair advantage over foreign banks. If national banks were favoured by national governments, this would be an unfair advantage over foreign competitors and would constitute an abuse of the single market.

This means that, if Bank of Ireland (BoI) and AIB are getting Irish government money to stay afloat, while the likes of, let’s say, Rabobank (to take just an example),which trades in Ireland, is not getting Irish government help, then EU competition laws rightly suggest that this is an abuse of the level playing field of competition.
Until recently, the EU was prepared to take a softly, softly approach because of the depth of the financial crisis, but all that has changed. Since April, bank shares across Europe have rallied and the EU has now decided that it is time for the banks to pay back the money they owe to their governments. So far, national governments have been reluctant to force their banks to act, so the EU has decided to do the governments’ job for them.

In short, the EU doesn’t trust the banks to act, nor does it trust the national governments to force them. If the EU loses this battle, it loses Europe’s internal market, which it has been creating since 1992.The stakes are huge.

Neelie Kroes, the EU’s competition commissioner, moved first against the Dutch bank ING. The Commission has instructed ING to sell assets to get the cash to pay back the government. The EU instructed ING to break itself up, separate the bank from the life assurance subsidiary that it owned, sell the life assurance part and give the cash back.

This move caused bank shares around Europe to fall, as the implication is that the banks will no longer get subsidies. This means that we can’t stay in the ‘half-way house’ of part private/part public banks that emerged in the crisis. The Commission has decreed that either the banks are private companies, in which case they have to pay the money back, or they are fully nationalised. The ramifications of this move – which was always going to come – are enormous.

Last week, the EU focused on the British banks, with Kroes turning on the wounded giant RBS (Royal Bank of Scotland).The British government, realising that RBS would not be able to raise new capital on the market, increased its stake in RBS from 70 per cent to 84 per cent. When a government owns 84 per cent of a bank, it might as well own the lot. No one in the private sector is prepared to invest in RBS, so that the government has become ‘‘the owner of last resort’’ in forced nationalisation.

What will happen when Kroes turns her attention to Ireland? She will look at Nama as a huge state aid – which it is. She will look at the government’s minority stakes in the banks as state aids -which they are – and she will ask, what are we going to do next? How are our banks going to pay back the money so that Ireland does not abuse the EU’s free and fair competition laws?

During the summer, and even up to mid October, there was a chance that the banks, protected by Nama, could have gone out to the markets and raised equity.
But now that window seems to be shut. The markets are closed.

It didn’t help that management of the banks suggested that Nama was a bad deal for them, because by doing this, they looked out of touch. Even though the dogs in the street realise that Nama will overpay for assets, the banks suggested that the property assets on their balance sheets were worth more than the government was prepared to pay. This reaction signalled to the markets that bank managements – more or less the same guys who got the banks into the mess – have not woken up to the severity of the slump. Obviously, their shares fell dramatically as a result.

As the equity of the banks diminishes, the big question is: where will the Irish banks get money to ensure that their crucial capital adequacy ratios do not get breached again?With loans-to-deposit ratios still over 150 per cent,with the economy stalling and precious few new loans made, the banks can’t generate any profits. If you doubt this, just look at Bank of Ireland’s reported loss of nearly €1 billion this week.

So where will the money come from? The EU will now instruct AIB to sell its non-core assets, such as the banks in Poland and the US. Likewise Bank of Ireland, in order to pay back the government. But the banks will need more cash and, if they can’t raise it on the markets, the government will have to inject money into them. Unlike last year, the EU will not be keen to allow the states to inject capital without full nationalisation because this is simply trying to pull the wool over the Commissioner’s eyes. So where does that leave us?
It leaves us facing the nationalisation of one or both of the big banks. The government is set against this, but the iron laws of the market dictate that, when the banks need new money and no one else is prepared to give it, the government takes up the slack.

If I were a betting man, I’d say one of the big banks will be fully nationalised early next year. This would mean that, rather than the guarantee – which, on its own, was intended to be used to deal with the creditors in an orderly fashion and sell one of the big banks for a song to an international bank – we will get the triple lock. The triple lock is the guarantee, Nama and nationalisation. This is probably the worse combination of all.
But that’s what you get for dithering for over a year while the rest of the world gets on with sorting out their mess.


Source: David McWilliams Blog

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